The table shows some key percentiles of party support:
Percentile | 5% | 10% | 25% | 50% | 75% | 90% | 95% |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Con % | 32 | 33 | 36 | 39 | 41 | 44 | 45 |
Lab % | 24 | 25 | 29 | 32 | 36 | 39 | 40 |
Lib % | 14 | 14 | 16 | 18 | 19 | 21 | 22 |
All Others % | 7 | 8 | 9 | 11 | 13 | 15 | 18 |
What does this table tell us? Looking at the Conservatives first, it shows that their central support level is 39%, which happens to be close to their current support level of 40%. It also shows that half of all the polls have them in the range from 36% to 41% (from the 25% to 75% percentiles). And, in the extreme case, nine out of ten polls have them in the range from 32% to 45% (from the 5% to 95% percentiles). We will use this extreme case as the basis for our scenarios of Conservative support. So we assume that 32% is the worst reasonably possible result for the Conservatives and that 45% is the best reasonably possible result.
For Labour, the central support level is 32% and the range of worst to best outcomes goes from 24% to 40%.
For Liberal Democrats, the central level is 18% and their range goes from 14% to 22%. Because Lib Dem support often increases during the election campaign, we will extend their best-case range to 25% to make sure that all (reasonably) possible outcomes are included.
We could instead have just used the simple minimum and maximum of poll support levels. Why did we use this more complicated method instead? The answer is that the minimum and maximum can be skewed by a single rogue poll. Since we are using several hundred polls, the chance of at least one or two bad ones is quite high. We can reduce the risk of such "outliers" by using a percentile range instead of the full range. Almost all polls are included, but we ignore a small number of polls (37) that are very far from all the others.
We have used six scenarios. Three scenarios correspond to one major party doing well, and the other two doing badly. The other three scenarios correspond to two major parties doing well, and the other one doing badly. The scenarios are not meant to illustrate likely outcomes, but rather to describe the limits of credible outcomes. It is likely that the eventual outcome will be within the limits spanned by the scenarios.
For information the base scenario (general election May 2005) is also shown. The scenarios are:
Scenario | Strong | Weak | Con % | Lab % | Lib % | Swing | Outcome | Con seats | Lab seats | Lib seats | Nat seats | ChangedSeats |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
May 2005 | 33 | 36 | 23 | 0 | Lab maj 42 | 208 | 346 | 67 | 8 | 0 | ||
One | Lab | Con, Lib | 32 | 40 | 14 | -2.5 | Lab maj 118 | 198 | 384 | 35 | 12 | 60 |
Two | Con | Lab, Lib | 45 | 24 | 14 | 12 | Con maj 200 | 425 | 154 | 22 | 28 | 238 |
Three | Lib | Con, Lab | 32 | 24 | 25 | 5.5 | Con short -41 | 284 | 238 | 89 | 18 | 111 |
Four | Lab, Lib | Con | 31 | 40 | 25 | -2.5 | Lab maj 110 | 173 | 380 | 69 | 7 | 39 |
Five | Con, Lib | Lab | 45 | 24 | 25 | 12 | Con maj 166 | 408 | 148 | 65 | 9 | 217 |
Six | Con, Lab | Lib | 44 | 39 | 13 | 4 | Con short -18 | 307 | 306 | 10 | 6 | 111 |
(Note: some scenarios have adjusted the ranges slightly to make sure that the total of support, including nationalists, is below 100%.)
The scenarios include a range of possible outcomes
Min | Median | Max | |
---|---|---|---|
Con % | 14 | 18 | 20 |
Lab % | 28 | 36 | 44 |
Lib % | 9 | 14 | 23 |
SNP % | 16 | 30 | 34 |
Again we adjust the maximum of the Lib Dems range up to 25% since no opinion poll has shown them increase their support since the general election. Under each of the six GB scenarios above, we specify the particular share of the vote that the four Scottish parties receive. We assume that the SNP does well in the first three GB scenarios, and does badly in the other three GB scenarios.
Scenario | Strong | Weak | Scot Con % | Scot Lab % | Scot Lib % | Scot Nat % | Con seats | Lab seats | Lib seats | SNP seats | Changes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
May 2005 | 16 | 40 | 23 | 18 | 1 | 41 | 11 | 6 | 0 | ||
One | Lab, SNP | Con, Lib | 14 | 43 | 9 | 33 | 1 | 43 | 6 | 9 | 7 |
Two | Con, SNP | Lab, Lib | 20 | 28 | 9 | 34 | 8 | 22 | 6 | 23 | 24 |
Three | Lib, SNP | Con, Lab | 14 | 28 | 24 | 33 | 2 | 28 | 15 | 14 | 13 |
Four | Lab, Lib | Con, SNP | 14 | 44 | 25 | 16 | 0 | 43 | 11 | 5 | 2 |
Five | Con, Lib | Lab, SNP | 20 | 28 | 25 | 16 | 6 | 33 | 15 | 5 | 10 |
Six | Con, Lab | Lib, SNP | 20 | 44 | 9 | 16 | 6 | 44 | 6 | 3 | 8 |
We see that the scenarios generate a range of outcomes. There is the possibility for any party to increase or decrease its number of seats.
Conversely a seat is defined to be "safe" if none of the conditions above hold. In other words, a seat is safe if it never changes hands under any plausible scenario of public opinion. There are 326 "safe" seats, which is about half of the total.
Caveat: Of course, nothing is entirely 100% safe. It is possible that extreme public opinion swings or strong local factors in a particular seat may make a "safe" seat change hands. But within the bounds of the likely set of outcomes and the law of averages, it is pretty unlikely that more than a handful of safe seats could be captured.
Scenario | Strong | Weak | Con % | Lab % | Lib % | Swing | Outcome | Con seats | Lab seats | Lib seats | Nat seats | ChangedSeats |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Three | Lib | Con, Lab | 32 | 24 | 33 | 5.5 | Con short -65 | 260 | 207 | 144 | 18 | 154 |
Four | Lab, Lib | Con | 29 | 38 | 31 | -3.0 | Lab maj 92 | 160 | 371 | 91 | 7 | 54 |
Five | Con, Lib | Lab | 43 | 22 | 31 | 12 | Con maj 126 | 388 | 135 | 98 | 9 | 221 |
There are now 300 safe seats, and 332 unsafe seats in Great Britain.